摘要 :
Modernization theory has been instrumental to our understanding of the conditions necessary for a democratic transition. Proponents suggest a link between economic development and political development where the former leads to a ...
展开
Modernization theory has been instrumental to our understanding of the conditions necessary for a democratic transition. Proponents suggest a link between economic development and political development where the former leads to a stronger middle class with a greater interest in politics, potentially resulting in demands on the regime for concessions. Recent findings, however, suggest modernization theory is incomplete. On the one hand, the working class may play a crucial role in the regime concession-demanding process. On the other hand, recent empirical evidence suggests that both classes are politically apathetic and simply do not engage the regime for change. This study investigates this relationship between economic development and political development by answering the question of how economic development has impacted interest in politics across the social classes in China. I use ordered logistical regression to test hypotheses derived from these propositions. The results have important implications for understanding the relationship between economic development and political development in China and the popular support for the CCP to turn the Chinese dream into a Chinese reality.
收起
摘要 :
This article explores the reasons why the most important anti-corruption campaign in twentieth-century Venezuela failed to win sustained support. Employing a constructivist approach to historical actors' understandings of corrupti...
展开
This article explores the reasons why the most important anti-corruption campaign in twentieth-century Venezuela failed to win sustained support. Employing a constructivist approach to historical actors' understandings of corruption, it analyses the debates that erupted when the Accion Democratica (Democratic Action, AD) party prosecuted 167 former officials for illicit enrichment. The ensuing debate demonstrates that AD and its opponents disagreed over the proper boundaries between the public and private spheres in a modern state. AD sought to punish officials who used public office for private gain, but critiques of the trials effectively countered AD and contributed to its overthrow in 1948.
收起
摘要 :
В настоящее время особо актуальным явлением в жизни общества выступает воздействие политических мифов на современную личнос...
展开
В настоящее время особо актуальным явлением в жизни общества выступает воздействие политических мифов на современную личность. В статье показано, что Ряд признаков роднит политический миф с классическим архаическим мифом: сходная эмоционально-чувственная генетика, заменяющая познание, типология – мифы-легенды (трактовка событий и их причин, роли участников), исторические мифы, мифы-предания (о событиях и подвигах прошлого и их участниках), мифы о героях (политических вождях) и т.д. В отличие от классического политический миф конкретизируется применительно к актуальной политике. Политический миф рационализируется средствами направленного внушения (пропагандой, содержанием соответствующей идеологии) и самим массовым сознанием, стремящимся воспринимать миф как истину (форма морфологического познания). Политический миф может возникать стихийно, как выражение тяги к возвышающей идее, к утешению (память о героическом прошлом и др.). Чаще создается и распространяется целенаправленно, и используется как эффективное средство политики, такой миф возникает в индивидуальном сознании и затем коллективизируется, превращаясь в факт общественного сознания. Но только тогда, когда общественное сознание готово его принять. Политический миф может способствовать сохранению и укреплению существующей политики, а может ее расшатывать. Политический миф может стимулировать необходимые процессы и события (избирательные, правительственные и партийные программы, вера в успех, в реальность планов и т.д.), а также может стимулировать самый крайний экстремизм. В этом случае политический миф используется как анестезирующее средство: предрассудок легитимирует такой экстремизм (так, миф о расовой исключительности санкционирует расизм и парализует возможный протест против него. Подводя итог, отметим следующее. Политический миф — это превращенная форма политического сознания, в котором знание и понимание фактов политики замещается образами, символами, вымыслами, легендами и верой в них. Политический миф может возникать стихийно, как выражение тяги к возвышающей идее, к утешению (память о героическом прошлом и др.). Как в древности, так и сегодня мифы являются родом психотерапии: призваны успокоить, обезопасить, обнадежить. Именно на политической почве преимущественно возникают мифы, и развертывается их соперничество. Мифы неразрывно связаны с архаическим мировоззрением, они сохраняют свое значение в современном мире. Мифы служат для преодоления разрыва между человеком и миром, а также для облегчения процесса понимания бытия. Чем меньше массы в состоянии рационально опознать социальные явления, окружающие их, тем сильнее оказывается потребность в мифологическом восприятии. Появление новых информационных технологий повлияло на форму, содержание и способы массовой трансляции мифологических установок. При этом с полным основанием можно сделать вывод о переходе от так называемого первобытного, бессознательно-классического мифа к развитой целенаправленной мифологии современности.
收起
摘要 :
Religion, as social construct and institutional reality, has played a pivotal role in shaping European societies. In spite of the impact of Enlightenment theories in the formation of European modernity, institutionalized religions...
展开
Religion, as social construct and institutional reality, has played a pivotal role in shaping European societies. In spite of the impact of Enlightenment theories in the formation of European modernity, institutionalized religions and established churches have managed to maintain their influence in the public domain. Educational systems, the par excellence institutions of modernity, represent an interesting example of the peculiar coexistence between tradition and modernity in European societies. The implications of the persistence of religion within the institutions of modernity are both epistemological and political. While the foundations of modern knowledge on reason are challenged in several aspects of school knowledge, fundamentalism, nationalism and social exclusion can result from school systems that encourage catechism and religiosity. The aim of this paper is to discuss the role of religion in contemporary European education systems and to reflect on the sociopolitical implications of this relationship, especially in the realm of social rights.
收起
摘要 :
Daniel Skinner studied with Marshall Berman, Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the City University of New York, from 2002-2009. In this tribute Skinner explains why Professor Berman was not only an influential schola...
展开
Daniel Skinner studied with Marshall Berman, Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the City University of New York, from 2002-2009. In this tribute Skinner explains why Professor Berman was not only an influential scholar of political theory and urban politics, but a committed pedagogue and model for young academics.
收起
摘要 :
Any text is a product of author's contemplation aimed at the discourse and new contemplation. The same can be said about the political text. The political text greatly depends on the cultural situation of the particular historical...
展开
Any text is a product of author's contemplation aimed at the discourse and new contemplation. The same can be said about the political text. The political text greatly depends on the cultural situation of the particular historical period. The present study analyses the functioning of the political text in Russia today. As the epistemological tool in the present article, we used the modern research of applied aspects in the political contemplation and political discourse. The applied relevance of the present article is conditioned by new ("network") forms of the discourse in the (ⅩⅪ) century. As a result of the analysis, the following conclusions have been made: 1) the crisis-conditioned character of the modern politics and culture has an immediate impact on the functioning of the political text in Russia; 2) in the present-day conditions, the communication between the subject and the object of the political text has changed dramatically; 3) the notion of the "political text" itself, existing in the context of the historical change, have long ago gained a new applied content that needs contemplation. The conclusions of the present study are aimed at realizing a very important factor: the drive for renovation of the language of the political science due to critical changes in the modern Russia has more and more supporters. In the world of global projects and total leveling that seduce people, the culture of political contemplation as a kind of an "art of survival" has gained critical importance.
收起
摘要 :
This paper attempts to explore the effects of the political developments that followed the financial crisis of 2008, particularly after the uprisings of 2011, on the field of philosophy and more specifically on philosophical pract...
展开
This paper attempts to explore the effects of the political developments that followed the financial crisis of 2008, particularly after the uprisings of 2011, on the field of philosophy and more specifically on philosophical practice. Philosophical practice concerns not only methodology and forms of argumentation but also and mainly the dispositive of the philosopher him/herself, that is the place he/she occupies and from which h/she speaks. Drawing from Gramsci’s and Althusser’s reading of Machiavelli an argument is developed according to which certain conjunctures produce the possibility of a void both at the political and the philosophical level; a void which can disrupt the normal reproduction of political relations of power and of the dominant philosophical discourse. The task of materialist philosophy, which in those circumstances becomes even more urgent, is not to devote itself in securing the piece on the field of the philosophical and political battle but in contrast to point out the possibility of the emergence of the void and articulate philosophical positions aimed to intensify the rupture and thus to produce effects tending to realise the possibility of radical change.
收起
摘要 :
At the end of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century the relations between Turkey and the United States of America attracted the attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, the re...
展开
At the end of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century the relations between Turkey and the United States of America attracted the attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the United States has been mainly focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries, from time to time, was conducted in completely different directions. Parallel to this, the periods of ups and downs had an impact on economic relations as well. It was the security policy that carried out mutual cooperation between the two countries. On the one hand, it was the USA - one of the leaders of the Cold War, and, on the other hand, Turkey - very important in the region, but the most dependent on the US. Despite being in the NATO bloc together with the USA, Turkey has never felt secure itself. Assessing Ankara's domestic and foreign policy, it is necessary to take into account the relationship with the United States, as it had the biggest impact on Turkey's policy. Although the real and potential power of these two countries was not equal, during the Cold War Turkey became a stronghold of NATO and the West bloc against the Soviet Union. Turkey was one of the countries that appeared on the border between the eastern and western hemispheres. Perhaps due to the peculiarities of its geographical location, Turkey became a country with special conditions in world politics. The relations with the United States evolved precisely in this direction.
收起
摘要 :
In Karl Polanyi's The Great Transformation (TGT) there are two central narratives: first, he discusses how nineteenth-century society attempted to consciously construct a self- regulating market economy, and, second, how this cont...
展开
In Karl Polanyi's The Great Transformation (TGT) there are two central narratives: first, he discusses how nineteenth-century society attempted to consciously construct a self- regulating market economy, and, second, how this contradictory epoch created the need for intellectual content that could justify the emerging order via "scientific" legitimacy. Polanyi criticized both, yet what receives little attention is the extent to which his monetary analysis is rooted in what is now known as modern money theory (MMT). The purpose of this article is to elucidate these connections, particularly in their shared rejection of metallism and embrace of economic anthropology to create an alternative framework depicting how "taxes-drive-money," the mechanism that regulates the value of money and the process by which it is created, and the overlap between their political economies. Thus, we conclude that there is a significant and underappreciated connection between Polanyi and MMT's respective monetary theories.
收起
摘要 :
The purpose of the present study is to investigate the effect of social text and context on the political thinking of the contemporary Shiite scholars. On the one hand, contemporary scholars' political thinking exists at the heart...
展开
The purpose of the present study is to investigate the effect of social text and context on the political thinking of the contemporary Shiite scholars. On the one hand, contemporary scholars' political thinking exists at the heart of modernity's recent social and political events and in the framework of their understanding of religious teachings in Quran and Sunnah on the other hand. Thus, through their interactions in social contexts and their perception of texts, we may understand their thinking. On the one hand, the struggles, interests and side takings of social and political forces inarguably influence the formation and development of the contemporary scholars' political thinking. On the other hand, religious texts and deductions from them have been effective in understanding new concepts and problems. In this regard, this research attempts to comparatively investigate the effect of social text and context on the political thinking of contemporary Shiite scholars of Samarra, Najaf and Qom schools using discourse and cognitive-comparative methods.
收起
